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Old Thursday, July 3rd, 2008
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Default Flanders and the Flemish movement




Short History of Flanders
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Flanders is known by most as the northern part of Belgium. But before the foundation of Belgium (1830), Flanders had its own cultural and scientific history, for more than 1000 years.


Misinformation about Flanders is probably largely due to some factors, including: (1) for nearly one and a half century, information about Flanders was filtered by a French speaking ruling minority, (2) short stay visitors, who limit their visit to Brussels - since the 19the century a largely French speaking enclave in Flanders-, have the false impression to be in a French speaking country, (3) Flemish people generally undervalue their own history; most of the information presented here on renown Flemish people had to be gathered from international websites, a fact significant in itself.

Now that Brussels, situated in Flanders, is becoming Europe's capital, a more objective information about this culturally fertile and economically rich region might be highly desirable.

Roman Occupation

The Belgian region was inhabited by Celts or Gauls, since many centuries BC. Julius Caesar, in his De Bello Gallico, called the Belgians "the bravest of all Gauls" --probably to explain why he stopped his European expansion at this level. After this war, many Roman colonists moved into these regions. The most important city was Tongeren "Atuatica Tungrorum", in the north east of nowadays' Flanders, where Ambiorix, king of the Celtic Tungri and strongly opposed to Caesar, lived.

Germanic Immigration

Between 300 and 600 A.D., Germanic tribes (the "Franks" or "free people") slowly moved into this fertile region. The limit between the part where the Gallo-Romans outnumbered, and where the Franks were the most numerous is still the language border between the Germanic and the Romance language groups. Actually, Flemish people are the descendants of these Franks ("Issalic" or "Salic" Franks, "near to the Issal Sea or Ijsselmeer", to discern them form the "Ripuarian" Franks which stayed in Germany).

Flanders

The name "Flanders" was first mentioned in the 8th century (in the Vita Eligii, the life of Eligius, Bishop of Tournai around 640, as "Pagus Flandrensis") and pointed to the region around Bruges. The name "Flanders" probably is from Celtic origin, and means "swampy region". The Latin name "Belgica" or "Belgium" probably comes from the same word. Gradually, the name "Flanders" covered the western part (dominated by Ghent and Bruges), and eventually the whole Dutch speaking northern half of contemporary Belgium. Until the 18th century, the words "Nether-Lands" and "Belgium" were synonymous.

Two parts of Flanders now lie outside of Belgium: "French Flanders" in the south around Lille, taken by the French from Spain in the 17th century, and ìSea Flandersî (ìZeeuws Vlaanderenî) in the south of Holland, transfered from Belgium to Holland in 1830, to prevent Belgium from freely using the Scheldt river to become too strong an economic force. A few years later, the Dutch government even blocked the river by long chains for several decades, reducing the international port of Antwerp into a ghost city.

Frankish Period

The Frankish Kings first had their capital in the city of Tongeren, in the north of nowadays' Flanders. Progressively they extended their realm to the south, relocating their capital first to Tournai (Torniacum, Doornik) by Kings Childerik and his son Clovis (481-511), and eventually to Paris. In fact, the first French Kings were the descendants of the Flemish ("Frankish") Kings, and during several generations the royal oath of the Kings of France was pronounced in the Flemish/Frankish language, before switching to Gallo-Roman. This relocation of the capital had as effect that Flanders, first the central part of the realm, eventually became a peripheral part of the Frankish kingdom, the "County of Flanders". Even the Flemish names for the country (Francia = Realm of the Franks) and the language (French = the language of the Franks) were borrowed from Flanders, and no longer covered their original meaning. French history typically starts with the Flemish Kings Childerik and his son Clovis, skillfully hiding the Flemish origin of the French Kingdom.

Nevertheless this peripheral position didn't prevent the economic and cultural superiority of Flanders during many centuries.

County of Flanders

From the first count (Baldwin I, "with the Iron Arm", d. 879) to Emperor Charles V (1500-1558) born in Ghent but moved to Spain, there is an impressive line of Counts, Kings and Emperors born and living on Flemish soil. The county was progressively extended, and its borders came near to Paris in the 12th century. The Flemish Count was even appointed as a guardian to the minor French king. Later, the French King tried to regain his power from Flanders, but was beaten with his knights at Kortrijk (Courtrai) in 1302. After this "Battle of the Golden Spurs" (11 July 1302), now exactly 7 centutries ago, King Philip the Fair of France eventually yielded to the demands of the Flemish and granted Flanders its independence. Although historians don't always agree about the socio-political context and historical meaning of this battle, it became the symbolic "Independence Day" for the Flemish community.

The Flemish rulers played an important role in the Crusades. In fact, the first "King of Jerusalem", Baldwin I, was the count of Bonen (Boulogne), in the County of Flanders, and the younger brother of Geoffrey of Bouillon, in the south of the Netherlands, who organized the first Crusade. There is an enduring legend that the national flag bearing the Flemish Lion was introduced to Flanders after being brought home from a crusade. The flag is said to have been modeled after the coat of arms of a defeated Saracene - the Sultan Baybars - who had kicked the last Crusaders out of Jerusalem. However, historical research yields other evidence.

Burgundic Period

By royal family links, Burgundy was linked with Flanders in 1384, and the rulers of Burgundy immediately relocated their capital to the much richer Flanders. One of their first decisions was to relocate the Counsel of Flanders from Rijsel ("Lille") to Ghent. Progressively, the influential cities lost their power to a central monarch, and the "XVII Provinces" became a recognisable entity, also called the Lower Countries or Nether-Lands or Belgica, including Holland, Belgium and Luxemburg. This region was often depicted as "Leo Belgicus" ("The Belgian Lion"). Flanders, the central part of it, was also referred to as "The Southern Netherlands".

The southern part of the Netherlands were very active from an economic and cultural point of view. Bruges, "the Venice of the North", displayed a commercial activity that, in fact, largely surpassed the economic importance of Venice. Labeling Bruges as "the New York of the middle Ages" probably should be more appropriate --as demonstrated during the exhibition "The Hanze in Bruges", Bruges 2002. And till in the 18th century, the city of Ghent, a centre of textile industry, was greater and richer than Paris or London.

Spanish Occupation

When Philip II by the abdication of his father, Charles V, became sovereign of the Low Countries and took up the government of the Seventeen Provinces, he found them at the zenith of their prosperity, as is evident from the description given in 1567 by Luigi Guicciardini in his "Descrittione di tutti i Paesi Bassi" (Totius Belgii Descriptio, Amsterdam, 1613).

Few countries were so well governed; none was richer. Antwerp had taken the place of the silted up Bruges as commercial metropolis; every day saw a fleet of 500 sea-going craft enter or leave its port. Of Ghent (Gand), his native town, Charles V used to say jocosely: Je mettrais Paris dans mon Gand [I could put Paris (bet) in my glove (gant)]. Humanism gradually undermined traditional faith. Protestantism had already effected an entrance. In addition the more powerful of the nobility now hoped to play a more influential part in the government than they had done under Charles V, and were already planning for the realization of this ambition. The situation presented many difficulties, and unfortunately Philip II was not the man to cope with them. He had little in common with his Low-Country subjects. Their language was not his; and he was a stranger to their customs. From the day he quitted the Netherlands in 1559, he never set foot in them again, but governed from far-off Spain. He was despotic, severe, crafty, and desirous of keeping in his own hands all the reins of government. He was on the whole a most unsuitable ruler in spite of his sincere desire to fulfil the duties of his royal office. The decline of Flanders' cultural superiority started with the suppression of Reformation. Due to their humanistic way of thinking, most of Flemish intellectuals and merchants became reformed during the 16th century. Several towns became "protestant dictatures", some for even a longer time than the famous Calvinistic Republic of Geneva (1536-1541, Ghent 1577-1584). This didn't please to the Spanish ruler, Philip II, who feared losing his richest province, and a strong army was sent into those Provinces, cruelly restoring Catholicism, although in 1576 the famous Pacification of Ghent was proclaimed, the first charter of religious tolerance in history. The Spanish army halted at the north of Antwerp, considering the agricultural Northern provinces without much economic value. This is the historical origin of the border between Holland and Belgium. Most of Flemish intelligentsia and the richest people fled to the Northern provinces, including the parents of Vondel, the most famous Dutch author, some (as the parents of Rubens) to Germany, others to Britain. This massive immigration (e.g. the city of Delft counted at that moment more Flemish immigrants than original Dutch people, Amsterdam 33% Flemish, Leiden 66 %!) was the start of the Dutch Republic and Kingdom (1579) and the Golden Century for Holland. The Bible was translated into Dutch mostly by immigrated Flemish translaters, making the ensuing official modern Dutch language much closer to southern than to northern dialects. The military advisers of the Northern Prince, and the composer of the Dutch National Hymn all were Flemish. And even William, the first Prince of the North, had passed his youth in the southern Netherlands, and his dream had been to keep the whole of his XVII provinces, not just the northern half of it...

During the next century France took advantage of Spain's weakness to try to annex parts of Flanders, using every imaginable pretext (compensation for an unpaid dowry by a Spanish princess, the "reunion" of parts earlier belonging to regions, now already under French domination, etc.) to start wars.

Austrian and French Occupation

Although arts remained for another century at an impressive level with Rubens (1577-1640, returned to Antwerp at age 6), the decline of Flanders, deprived from its intellectual and economic power, and heavily taxed and extortioned by Spain, Austria (1713-1792) and France (1792-1814), was inevitable. Anything that was not too hot or too heavy was transported to Spain, Austria and France, and is now the pride of their national musea and private collections. In fact, Austria was condemned several times, by international congresses, to restitute the most important Flemish art works (including many paintings of Rubens, art works from churches and abbeys closed by the Austrian monarch, the treasure of the Order of the Golden Fleece) but up to now omitted to do so.

In 1814, the final treaty of the Independence of the United States of America was signed in Ghent.

Dutch Period

After the defeat of Napoleon in 1814 at Waterloo near Brussels, the Southern Netherlands -Belgium- were re-united to Holland by the Congress of Vienna (1815). The protestant King of Holland was not very skillful in organizing that bigger and rebellious catholic Belgium, and eventually a street revolution in Brussels, conducted by French speaking and catholic crowds, claiming 1 (one) casualty, provoked a splitting up of both countries (1830). King Willem was only too happy to leave. Belgium was confirmed as a buffer state by the Vienna Congress, but deprived from its military strongholds, including Maastricht and Givet --explaining those surprising indentations in the Belgian border--, and its bordering to the Scheldt river, transfered to Holland, that closed this river for half a century.

Belgian Period

Although the majority of Belgium was and still is Dutch speaking, the process of frenchization of public life, started during the French occupation, was intensified. Ruled by a French speaking minority, all schools and universities in Flanders had to switch to French, leading to insulting paradoxes as Dutch speaking teachers speaking French to Dutch speaking pupils. Moreover, pupils were punished when they spoke their native language. The administrative capital Brussels, lying entirely within Flanders, progressively got a French speaking majority. But inevitably a cultural and political movement of a revival of thousand years of Flemish culture and identity emerged during the 19th century, leading first to the possibility (not yet the obligation) to use Dutch in public life in Flanders at the end of the 19th century, the reintroduction of Dutch in schools and universities in the 1930s, the relocation of the biggest French speaking university (the French speaking section of Louvain University) from Flanders into Wallonia in 1968, and the installation of a federal state structure with a Flemish government during the last quarter of the 20th century. It took nearly 2 centuries for the Flemish to be considered as full-fledged citizens in their own country, and one can easily imagine that this struggle didn't occur without a heavy social and political toll.

Foreigners may find some facts highly difficult to understand:

1. to discern the emancipatory cultural and political struggle of Flemish people against a French speaking ruling minority, from a so called war between Flanders and Wallonia. Never during 15 centuries of history there was any conflict between the North and the South, a remarkable fact in history. In fact, there are 4 kinds of Belgians: (1) The Dutch speaking majority in the North ("Flanders"), (2) the French speaking in the South ("Wallonia"), (3) French speaking people, mostly from Flemish origin, in Brussels -entirely situated in Flanders and only frenchized during the 19th century- and some around Brussels and some important Flemish cities. These people never do consider themselves as Walloon! They bear Flemish names, and most often their grandparents didn't even understand French. And, (4) a German speaking minority near the German border, added to Belgium after the World Wars. "Language struggles in Belgium" always refer to cultural and social emancipatory struggles of Flemish people within Flanders against a French speaking minority in Flanders (including Brussels). Those struggles only sought to allow Flemish people to use, within Flanders, their own Dutch language in education, justice, social life and politics. Wallonia never was involved in this social and cultural emancipative struggle. 2. to discern between 'Dutch' and 'Flemish'. Although by a certain love of ease some people in Belgium speak about "Flemish" (like Dutch people sometimes call their language "Hollandish", American speak about "American", etc.), there is only one language for Flanders (the Southern Netherlands) and Holland (the Northern Netherlands). Also historically and politically, the "Netherlands" (plural!) referred to the 17 Provinces of contemporary Benelux, including the Lille Region in the North of France. There exist, as everywhere, some dialectic differences, but educated people are not supposed to show such. Moreover, the official Dutch Language is closer to the southern than to the northern dialects, due to the fact that the Bible -the origin of official language- was translated mainly by southern immigrants to the North. Dutch in Belgium was banned from official life during the 19th century and parts of the 20th. As a consequence it was not often heard in public life (although poets and authors published their highly qualified work in Dutch). Moreover, the ruling French speaking minority was pleased to call that language of uneducated people "Flemish". Even in the 1920s, the archbishop of Belgium, enraged by the legal obligation to switch to Dutch in Flemish schools and universities, called 'Flemish' "unfit as a vehicle for scientific, religious, cultural and artistic values". We deplore the fact that even in outstanding modern Encyclopaedias of neighbouring cultures (French, English) the language of the Flemish people is too often called "Flemish, a language akin to Dutch".

Flanders Today: probably the most prosperous region in the world
In July 2002 the development program of the United Nations calculated that Belgium is the fourth most prosperous country in the world.This was measured by determining the degree of prosperity of about 173 countries. To determine the degree of prosperity they determined health, longevity, education - economic level and quality of life. The Flemish Administration Service of Planning and Statistics applied the same parameters to determine the prosperity level of Flanders, i.e. the northern part of Belgium. According to these findings Flanders might share with Norway the title of the most prosperous region in the world.

CULTURAL CONTRIBUTIONS
For such a small region, Flanders was surprisingly fertile in cultural and scientific contributions to Western culture. It would be interesting, from a sociocultural point of view, to study this phenomenon that, of course, occurred in other places and moments in history as well.

It could perhaps be explained by several psychological, social and economic factors, including: a cross-fertilization between Latin and Germanic ways of thinking, a fertile region, an early rupture with suffocating feudal situations, attraction of many European businessmen and patrons, a self-confident but non-aggressive view of life (the only wars started by the Flemish people were a war for social independence from France in... 1302, and a general upheaval in 1798 against high French taxes and the compulsory conscription of young men into the French army). The recession of the leading Flemish cultural and scientific creativity starting during the 16th century and lasting until the Flemish emancipation during the 20th century is explained by the bloody Spanish suppression of Reformation in the Southern Netherlands, provoking a massive emigration and brain drain to the North, and the successive extortionate occupations by Spanish, Austrian, French and .... (Frenchizing) Belgian dominators (with a short interval during a 15 year re-union with the North, vehemently disapproved of by the Catholic Church).


Brussels today

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Until deep into the nineteenth century, Brussel was a Flemish city. As was usual in the other Flemish cities, the top layer of the population used French, but, different from what happened in the other cities, where the Flemish emancipation removed French in favour for Dutch, in Brussel, French kept being used, and eventually the whole city became French-speaking.
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The language laws of 1963 gave Brussel a bi-cultural status. This means that in theory, both French and Dutch should be treated equally, and that a citizen should see no difference at the town-hall whether he uses Dutch or French. In practice, the Frenchification pressure even increased, and monolingual French-speaking civil servants are more the rule than the exception.

Public Hospitals

A survey held in 1994, showed that 58% of the Dutch-speaking patients in Brussel's OCMW hospitals had to switch to French to make theirselves understandable for the personel, including the treating doctor. One fourth of every hospitalized in Brussel comes from Vlaams-Brabant (Flemish Brabant), and normally, no monolingual doctor should be appointed in these hospitals. Every such appointment is annulled by the State Council, but the OCMWs involved never react.
Cable Companies

Also Brussel's cable companies help to Frenchify the city. The Dutch television station Nederland 3 was removed from cable, and the Dutch-spoken pay-TV SuperSport never made it to the cable, because the rent was too high. In practice, only 1% of the subscribers in Brussel are Flemish, but the rent is calculated for a reach of 10%. Canal Plus, the French-spoken counterpart of FilmNet, of which it can be assumed that it reaches far more subscribers, pays only for a reach of 7,5%! Since 1993, FilmNet is paying the same amount as Canal Plus, but proportianally, this is still too high. The cause for this problem is that the cable companies in Brussel are afraid that they may anger French speaking subscribers by putting too many Flemish or Dutch stations on the cable.

Brussels and an Independent Flanders.

Often, Brussel is called upon as the surplus value of Flanders in Belgium: if Flanders would leave Belgium, it would lose Brussel. Not erveryone agrees on that.

The Flemish People's Movement (VVB, Vlaamse Volksbeweging) voted six resolutions in 1994 on this subject. It should be noted that the VVB is part of the separatistic wing of the Flemish movement, and advocates the proclamation of a Flemish Republic.


Flanders should make, now and with great speed, a Brussel-project, supported by a wide Flemish majority, and use all political means to realize that project.

Every Belgian option leads virtually to a definitive loss of Brussel. If we still have interests in Brussel, and want to try to reverse the negative developmments regarding Brussel, we have to look for solutions outside the Belgian context.

Because sociologically, Flanders has to lean on Brussel for its capital function, because of the economical surplus value Brussel can offer to Flanders, because Brussel can help shine the splendour of the Dutch language and culture in Europe, because we have historical rights in Brussel, because of the broad Flemish presence in Brussel and the location of the city in the heart of Flanders, the VVB thinks that all democratic means should be used to the utmost to strengthen the bond between Brussel and Flanders.

After inspection of all possible alternative scenarios, the VVB considers the independance of Flanders as the best means to gain Brussel for Flanders.

Brussel should structurally be fit into Flanders in way attractive to both Flanders and Brussel.
  • Brussel is the capital city of Flanders
  • Brussel, confined to the 19 municipalities, obtains a bilibgual (Dutch and french) status
  • the French-speaking inhabitants of Brussel are full Flemish citizens
  • the French-speaking inhabitants will have their own structures where they can exercise some specific authorities, amongst others eductaion and culture
The VVB bases its strategy for Brussel both on positive exercise of power and seduction. The congres instructs the leaders of the VVB
  • to start actions to promote the use of the Dutch language and to push the Flemish government to take initiatives for this purpose
  • to urge the Flemish government to enforce the legislation of language use correctly and specifically, and to install a commission for that purpose
  • to insist at the Flemish government on installing a `Commission for the Flemish presence in Brussel'. This commission will have as its task to study the Flemish presence in Brussel and to hand in policy bills.
  • to push the Flemish government fo a policy agreement between the Dutch-speaking inside and outside Brussel
  • to start a preparing discussion with representative Flemish-speaking inhabitants of Brussel in view of the integration of Brussel into a Flemish state

In the accompanying text, the VVB explains its standpoint. First of all, the thesis that Flanders will lose Brussel when becoming independent, assumes that we can keep or even (partly) regain Brussel staying in Belgium. It points out that Belgium is the cause of the Frenchification of Brussel in the first place.

Clearly, Flanders and Brussel need each other more than Brussel and Wallonia. Geo-politically speaking, it is obvious that Brussel lies in the heart of Flanders, completely surrounded by Flemish territory. A glance on a road map learns that most of Brussel's ring lies on Flemish territory, and a Brussel outside of Flanders would surely choke in traffical chaos. Also by railroad or by air, Brussel is only reachable through Flanders; the airport of Zaventem (Brussel-National) is situated in Flanders.

Brussel doesn't belong to Wallonia. The French-speaking inhabitants of Brussel aren't Walloon immigrants, but Frenchified Flemmings. The French-speaking part of Brussel votes in a different way from Wallonia, and the Walloon movement never got a grip on Brussel's population. And finally, Wallonia didn't chose Brussel as its capital city, like Flanders did, but chose Namur in stead.

Economically speaking, only inside Flanders Brussel has a future. Of the 330,000 commuters coming to Brussel daily, 280,000 are Flemish. This means that during the day, Brussel is Flanders' largest city. Brussel cannot finance its network of roads on its own, and is already now depending on Flanders for it. The industrial belt lies outside the 19 municipalities, from Groot-Bijgaarden and Zellik over Vilvoorde and Machelen to Diegem and Zaventem. Brussel as an independent enclave would become a sort of European Washington DC, a city stuffed with offices, and between them impoverished quarters with at its borders some residential districts.


Language Facilities

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In Belgium, some communes along the linguistic border have language facilities. The best known ones are the Six around Brussel, Voeren and Komen. The first seven are Flemish communes with facilities for French-speaking inhabitants, whereas the last one is a Walloon commune with facilities for the Flemish.

Besides these eight communes, there are some other communes with facilities. But with the exception of the city of Ronse, they all are rather small. Problems are very rare, maybe mostly because they are not of great geo-political importance.


The Six around Brussels

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The Six are the six communes in the border around Brussel, where facilities have been granted to French-speaking inhabitants, namely Wemmel,
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Kraainem , Wezembeek-Oppem, Drogenbos, Linkebeekand Sint-Genesius-Rode. From time to time, the FDF (Front Démocratique des Francophones, Democratic Front of the French-speaking) pleas for an extension of the facilities to the communes of Tervuren, Hoeilaart and Overijse, now still Flemish communes.

Language Facilities: Transitional Measures

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The French-speaking inhabitants moved to these communes mainly in the fifties and the sixties, fleeing from the city of Brussel into the Flemish suburbs. Originally, the facilities were meant to be transitional measures, so the French-speaking inhabitants could adopt theirselves to the Flemish (and therefore Dutch-spoken) character of the region. That was how it was planned to be in 1963, but over the years, the facilities have been used to a further Frenchification and a take-over of the political power in the communes.

In accordance with the agreement of 1973, the Flemish Community pays subsidies to the French-speaking primary schools in the communes. This means that the Flemish Community guarantees infrastructure, and pays for operational and personnel costs. In 1995, this amounted to a total of almost 5,45 million euro. At the same time, the French Community is responsible for the pedagogical quality of the education. The instruction in Dutch language classes is being neglected grossly, in contrast to the fact that knowledge of this language should be considered important in these Flemish communes.

Until 1988, the legal situation of the Six didn't change much, in spite of the constitutional reforms of 1970 and 1980. However, in 1988, the facilities were buoyed, in exchange for the protection of the Flemish through so-called consensus-deputies. The facilities are buoyed, in the sense that it will be practically impossible in the future to abolish them. First of all, a two-third majority will be needed in the federal parliament, and on top of that a majority in the parliaments of the Flemish and French (Walloon) communities. Even if a two-third majority could be found in the federal parliament, it still is very much doubtable that a majority would also be found in the French parliament, unless other severe Flemish bargains would be coupled to them.

At the occasion of the celebrations of the 11th of July in 1995, the Flemish minister-president Luc van den Brande and the governor of Vlaams-Brabant Lode de Witte made an appeal to abolish the facilities, because they didn't reach their goal. This caused furious reactions in Brussel's French-speaking circles and by the Walloon politicians, who even mentioned ethnic cleansing. Philippe Moureaux , maire of Molenbeek and former vice-prime minister for the PS (Parti Socialiste, the Walloon Socialist Party), reacted saying the Walloons would demand a bi-regional status both for the Six as well as for Voeren at future communautarian negotiations.

About one year later, in April 1996, Luc van den Brande proposed that the Flemish Region would regulate the language facilities, if they would continue to exist at all. He wanted to achieve this by moving the law organizing the municipalities and provinces from the federal level to the regional level.


Kraainem

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The Frenchification of the commune of Kraainem already started before World War II. In Walloon train stations, posters were hung out urging to come and live in Kraainem. The Academic Hospital Saint-Luc in the nearby Sint-Lambrechts-Woluwe aided in the Frenchification as well, because lots of the monolingual French-speaking physicians used to live in Kraainem.

In 1963, Kraainem became one of the six communes with facilities. Communal councils used to be strictly French-spoken. At regular times, the French-speaking majority voted motions pleaing for an affixture of the commune to Brussel with a fully bilingual status.

These last years, the communal councils are again held completely in Dutch, but another evolution is now threatening the Dutch-speaking inhabitants. The attraction of Brussel as the European capital and the presence of the NATO in Evere is the cause of a sharp increase of the rents. Because of this, a lot of young Flemish families have to flee the commune, looking for affordable housing somewhere else. Nowadays, almost 23% of the population of the commune is of foreign origin.
Linkebeek

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In April 1996, the municipal council of Linkebeek agreed on a cooperation pact with the commune of Ukkel in Brussel's Capital Region. Both communes would cooperate in the fields of education, recreation, public works, fire-watch, economics, etc... The cooperation went so far, that it meant a de facto fusion of both communes. It is quite normal that neighbouring communes cooperate, but in this case, the distinction between the two communes was almost made invisible.

It is clear that this was more than a normal approach between two neighbouring communes. The obvious purpose was an affixture of the commune to the bilingual Brussel's Capital Region, which in effect would be a huge expansion of the facilities to the French-speaking of Linkebeek. On the higher level, the borders between Brussel's Capital Region and the Flemish Region would fade away. Doing so, the strictly monolingual character of the Flemish Region would be seriously damaged. And finally, an affixture of Linkebeek to Brussel would also mean the first step in order to get a corridor from Brussel to the Walloon Region, an intolerable nightmare for Flanders.


Komen

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This commune with language facilities was turned over to the province of Hainaut, like Voeren was turned over to Limburg. Doing so, the commune received language facilities for the Dutch-speaking. Not surprisingly, what wasn't possible in the other communes with facilities did happen here: the linguistic minority seems to have adopted almost completely to the linguistic majority. The whole commune is almost completely Frenchified, althought it originally was a Flemish commune.

As a municipality at the language border, the municipality should provide buildings and grounds for the Flemish primary school. This is also the case in Voeren, where the commune provides buildings and grounds for the Walloon primary school, and in the communes with facilities in the border around Brussel. The Flemish government pays altogether 5,58 million euro to French schools on its own territory. The French Community however nowhere pays a single Franc for Dutch education on its territory.

The martyrdom of this Flemish school in Komen started in 1979, when 24 Flemish parents decided to start a primary and infant school, in accordance with the law of 1963. The French-speaking minister of Education, Jacques Hoyaux refused, and the school became a state affair. Eventually, the school could start, in exchange for the very contested autoroute Pecq-Armentières, which would connect Komen with Wallonia going over Flemish territory. But in 1981, Philippe Busquin decided that the school be closed. At a certain point, the Flemish tots had to run the gauntlet with their mothers along rows of hysterical women. In the end, the Flemish minister of Education decided to subsidize the school, that is, in conflict with the law of 1963. It was housed in the garden of the Flemish cultural centre of Komen.

Every building request since then has caused endless procedural troubles. The number of pupils has grown from 23 at the start to 60 at the end of 1995. The school simply is to small, but all building requests are turned down by the Walloon authorities. In August 1995, the Administration of Urbanisation stated that the school could not be extended using prefab buildings, having received a negative advice from Komen's municipal council. This was obviously a sophism, since the French school, only a few yards away, did receive such a permission to use prefab buildings. However, the administration said that the school was allowed to extend if it uses brick walls. First of all, this would cost about ten times as much, but more important, it would not be possible to recuperate the costs if the school would be obliged to move somewhere else. This last possibility is not completely hypothetical, since the school has to rent the estate, and as soon as a good reason could be found, the school can be chased away.

On the 4th of September 1995, the Flemish minister of Education Luc van den Bossche and the French minister of Urbanisation Michel Lebrun came to terms, so the school could finally extend. The solution is that the ARGO (Autonome Raad voor het GemeenschapsOnderwijs, Autonomous Council of Community Education) will present a building request using brick walls, and will pay the extra costs, which amounts to almost 125.000 euro.


Voeren


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Voeren is a Flemish enclave, squeezed between the Walloon province of Liège and the Netherlands. Before the language laws, it actually was a part of the province of Liège, but it was turned over to the province of Limburg later on. In exchange, Komen became a part of Hainaut. Both communes got the status of commune with language facilities, just like the Six around Brussel.

The French-speaking group in the commune has formed a political movement, called Action Fouronnaise (Voeren's Action), and runs at municipal elections under the name of Retour à Liège (Return to Liège). As the names says, they strive for a return to the province of Liège, and a French-speaking status. The head of this movement is José Happart , also member of the Parti Socialiste (the Walloon Socialist Party PS), on which he had some influence until recently. Up till now, this movement received a full majority in the municipal council, though at the last electiosn in 1994, they received a majority of only one seat. For the future, it looks like there will be a Flemish majority after the elections of 2000.
Voeren's "merry-go-round" has been a constant in Belgian politics whenever there are communautarian problems. Usually, the Walloon parties threaten that José Happart would become maire of the commune, as a monolingual French-speaking, if one or another demand isn't met. In practice, it turns out that Flemings meet some structural demand, both in Voeren and on other problems, in exchange for the Walloon symbolic indulgence that José Happart won't become maire for the time being.
Most probably, this method will soon be used again, because of fears that the Flemish will held a majority in the municipal council after the elections of 2000. In July 1995, former vice-prime minister for the PS Philippe Moureaux said that the Walloons will demand a bi-regional status for Voeren at the next round of communautarian negotiations. This could have as a result that, if elected, the Flemish majority won't be able to do much in Voeren, so that a further Flemishing of the communes will be stopped.

Before 1963, more than 90% of the population spoke a local dialect, which surely could be considered to be a Dutch dialect. The Church masses all were in Dutch, and the language used at school was exclusively Dutch everywhere. Only in Remersdael an exception to this existed, namely the so-called "transmutation classes". Lots of children followed primary school partly or completely in a school in a Walloon neighbouring commune though. An even bigger part, possibly the majority, followed secondary school in French, in Visé or Herve. The main reason was that it was closer to home, and that parents thought that you had to know French for your professional carreer. This didn't mean that the parents were pro-Liège. A lot of pro-Flemish inhabitants followed secondary school in French, and had later usually also their higher education in French. Only the most pro-Flemish parents sent their children to schools in Tongeren or other Flemish schools, but usually this meant, because of the geographical isolation of Voeren, boarding-school. There was one exception: a French boarding-school for girls in 's-Gravenvoeren, but most of the pupils there came from outside Voeren. Some of them even came from the Netherlands, since girls were sent to Belgium especially to learn French.

French-speaking schools did not appear until after the turn-over of Voeren to Limburg. This transfer worked - how paradoxal this may sound - as a catalyst for the Frenchification of Voeren. An important reason for this were the old relations between local notables and the politicians in Liège. The Flemish politicians rather were related to inhabitants represented in the opposition of the municipal council or in corporate life in the communes. So, those local notables saw that their relations, which are very important for a local politician, turned worthless. They initiated the resistance against the turn-over, and those belonging to their party followed them in this. The constrast pro-Liège/pro-Flanders is thus a consequence of old municipal politics. And to which party you belonged depended on random factors like family or corporate life, more than on which language you spoke at home. Many families were (are) divided by this language war, because brothers and sisters in one family did not necessarily belong to the same local political party.

This contrast is by far the most important reason for the later lingual split. The Dutch antropologue, Hans van Laar , made an excellent study [VLA88], in particular about 's-Gravenvoeren, and showed that it goes back to the period between the two World Wars. Even though everybody still spoke the same language at that point of time, the "separation in minds" started then. Some of the inhabitants thought that good patriots were by definition French-speaking. Still, the French-speaking inhabitants call their Dutch-speaking fellow-villagers to easily "fascist".

Other factors are less important, even though they are often raised, especially in pro-Flemish circles. As an example: the dependence of tenants versus the French-speaking landlords (probaly only in the East of the region of importance), and employment in Wallonia (lots of pro-Flemish inhabitants of Voeren work in the environs of Liège, and actually are most wanted because they are perfectly bilingual).

Of course, economical factors had also their part in it. Farmers sold their cattle mostly to Walloon cattle-dealers. Most of the villagers did their shopping in Aubel, where they often still could speak their own dialect, in Herve, Visé or Liège, but also in Maastricht (the Netherlands). Employment meant in the first place a job in the environs of Liège, more than in the Netherlands, and not at all in Belgian Limburg, which, for most of the inhabitants of Voeren, was far away and unknown territory. This means that most of the villagers were used to speak French, and found it normal that you had to learn that language. Moreover, in the thirthies, the municipal council pressed the point at the province of Liège that education of French in the schools of Voeren be intensified. But the provincial council rejected the request at that time...

Most of the inhabitants of Voeren knew the Dutch standard language only from school or church. Church services were exclusively in Dutch, and basically still are. Only in Remersdael there are French-spoken masses, and at "personal matters" (a wedding for example), people can request for a French-spoken service. As a consequence, most of the pro-Liège who go to church, follow church services outside Voeren.

There is one more important indication of the language ratios in Voeren in the sixties, namely the "language-referenda" of 1947. Belgium knew since its independence such language-censuses, but particularly after World War I, these evolved into referenda. These censuses were responsible for the shift to the North of the language border every decade. They opened the door for what then was called "progress", namely Frenchification. (Where could you get in the world if you only knew that Flemish of the peasants?) In this way, the amount of French-speaking in Voeren rose from 18% in 1930 to 52% in 1947. In other villages, the same impossible results were obtained. That's why Flanders demanded the abolition of these censuses, which eventually led to the constitutional fixation of the language border.

In 1963, the separation of minds in Voeren was already complete, even though the pro-Liège of Voeren could hardly be considered to be French-speaking or Walloon. But the Flemish politicians underestimated everything badly. They thought that the pro-Liège would put up with the turn-over after some grumbling. Maybe they would have done so, if Flanders would have reacted a bit more diplomatically, and would have sought for cooperation with the local notables. Now, 33 years later, the pro-Liège have become real French-speaking. On the other hand, the other local political party has become Flemish in the same way, in the sense that they now consider themselves as citizens of the Flemish region. Surely, there hasn't been a "flamandisation" of Voeren, but the Flemish reflexes have been increased strongly at that halve of the population.

The ratios haven't changed much since then. Although the ratios may vary from village to village, for all six villages together, the ratio is about 60:40 in pro-Liège/pro-Flemish. This ratio has shifted a bit in favour of the pro-Flemish recently, but this may have more to do with the frustation of some pro-Liège over the neglection of the municipal policy by the council, in which the pro-Liège hold a majority. Maybe that the input of the 13% Dutchmen at the elections in 2000 may tilt the scales.


Border around Brussels

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It seems that the frenchification doesn't want to stop at the municipalities with facilities. For the moment, the municipalities of Overijse, Hoeilaart and Tervuren are threatened as well, a threat which is amplified by the attracting force of Brussel as the capital city of the European Union.
The UDF (Union des Francophones, Union of the French-speakers) has three elected members in the provincial council of Vlaams-Brabant, two of them from the district of Halle-Vilvoorde, and one from the district of Leuven. The last one got elected mainly by the votes coming from Hoeilaart, together with some votes coming from area bordering Brabant wallon. The same party has an MP in the Flemish Parliament, elected in the district of Halle-Vilvoorde.

The group UDF openly admits it wants the Frenchspeaking people in the border around Brussel to be recognized as an ethnic minority, and announced it would would start a procedure in the European Parliament to acquire such recognition. If they would succeed, that would mean a major blow to the monolingual Dutch-spoken charactre of this region.

But even regardless of that, it would be an absurdity that they would be recognized as such. As a matter of fact, they all are Walloon French-speaking immigrants, who came to this region only a few decades ago, and never wanted to adopt to the local community. The MP for the UDF in the Flemish Parliament, Christian van Eyken , is an ethnic Flemming, born in Bonheiden near the city of Mechelen, but married to a Walloon and now even maire of Linkebeek for the FDF, one of the municipalities with facilities. In a brochure distributed in Linkebeek , he says he wants the facilities in the end to be extended to the whole of the Flemish community.

Furthermore, a little paper called Carrefour is being distributed in some 34 municipalities. This paper is an aggressive, French militant initiative, having as its dream the complete Frenchification of the Flemish border. The worst part is that it is distributed freely and unasked for, in every letter-box. During the election campaign, it called upon its readers to vote for the UDF. One could also speak about Walloon interference in Flemish territory, for the French Community subsidizes this paper, under the cloak of propagating the French culture.
__________________
It is proof of a base and low mind for one to wish to think with the masses or majority, merely because the majority is the majority.
Truth does not change because it is, or is not, believed by a majority of the people

~ Giordano Bruno




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Brussels-Halle-Vilvoorde

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One of the many anomalies in the federal Belgium of today is the district of Brussel-Halle-Vilvoorde. It extends over the territories of two regions, Flanders and Brussels-Capital, two communities, the Flemish and the French, and a part of it lays in the province of Vlaams-Brabant while the other part doesn't have a provincial level at all. In fact, the entire region of Brussels-Capital is part of this district. Besides that, there is also a huge difference between the more rural character of Halle-Vilvoorde and the city of Brussels and its environs.

The result of this is a district that is in part bilingual and in part strictly monolingual, and it is so big that it cannot be handled properly anymore. The logical solution would be to simply split it up into two new districts, namely Brussels and Halle-Vilvoorde. Each of these two new districts would have a homogeneous lingual status, and none of them would extend over provincial, regional or community borders. The policies in each district could be better adapted to the needs of it, and could be applied much more efficiently. Of course, cooperation would still be necessary.

Constituency

A reason why the French-speaking could get a hold of the border around Brussel, is that they also have had the possibility to vote for the French-speaking politicians at elections. Even now, they still can vote for Walloon parties at European or senate elections in the district of Brussel-Halle-Vilvoorde. In parliamentary elections, they can vote for the French-speaking parties of Brussel. They cannot vote any more for the parliament of the French community or the Walloon parliament, but they have their own party, the UF, in the Flemish parliament. The UF is also represented in the provincial council of Vlaams-Brabant.
Violation of the Language Laws?

The French-speaking, living in the border around Brussel, have the right to have a party representing them, but it is not reasonable that the whole of the district gets a voting-paper with French-speaking/Walloon parties because of a small minority of immigrants. Moreover, the language laws were violated, since bilingual voting-papers had to be counted in strictly monolingual Ducth-speaking communes, namely the counting stations of Zaventem, Wolvertem and Halle, at the elections for the senate on May 21st, 1995.
Finally, for the European elections, the Belgian seats are divided over the communities in a fixed way. However, this is in contradiction to the fact that French-speaking representatives can be elected by votes from an area the French community has no jurisdiction over.
Scission of the District

The scission of the district of Brussel-Halle-Vilvoorde is a very old demand of the Flemish movement. But since the scission of the unitarian province of Brabant, this twisting of Brussel and Halle-Vilvoorde has become completely undefendable. Nevertheless, a lot of Flemings think that a scission of the district might turn out to be disadvantageous for the Flemish inhabitants of Brussel. They fear they won't get as many representatives elected as they do now. Research has shown that this is not necessarily true.
In June 1996, the Vlaams Blok proposed to split the district asymmetrically. The Vlaams Blok would like to see that the district would we split up for the French parties, whereas the Flemish parties would continue to see just one district. In this manner, the Flemish votes from Brussel wouldn't be lost, but the French votes from the border would lose a lot of their weight.

Judicial District

Of course, the unified judicial district of Brussel-Halle-Vilvoorde provides Dutch-speaking judges to the Flemish living in Brussel, but there are some notable drawbacks too, in particular at the court and at the public prosecutor.
Language Laws and Language Ratios

According to the language laws, two thirds of all magistrates should have passed a test confirming that they are bilingual, but the Ministers of Justice Melchior Wathelet , Jean Gol and Philippe Moureaux usually appointed bilingual Flemish and monolingual French-speaking judges. Figure 2 shows the results of this policy as they were in July 1997. It shows that 48% of all judges are bilingual, but that 85% of the Dutch-speaking judges are bilingual. Only 27% of the French-speaking passed the Dutch test. The conclusion is that only the Dutch-speaking group of judges meets the qualifications of the language laws.
Figure 2 - Number of judges in Brussels-Halle-Vilvoorde by language and bilinguality: Dutch-speaking (light and dark blue), French-speaking (light and dark red), bilingual (dark blue and red) and monolingual (light blue and red)
Public Prosecutor

Even though the characteristics of Brussel and Halle-Vilvoorde differ a lot, Brussel being a city and Halle-Vilvoorde more a rural area, the public prosecutor treats cases coming from Halle-Vilvoorde in the same way as he treats cases coming from Brussel. This means that most cases from Halle-Vilvoorde simply are ignored, and over 95% of all cases that do come up are therefore French-spoken. Of course, this doesn't do any good to the situation in Halle-Vilvoorde in general, and on top of this, the French-speaking parties in Brussel, joined by the royal attorney Benoît Dejemeppe , use this as an excuse to ask for even more French-speaking judges. Or in other words, they simply ask that the language laws, that for the moment aren't met anyway, will simple be abolished.
French Flanders

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This region in the North of France, roughly speaking situated in the departement of Nord-Pas de Calais, became part of France by the Peace of the Pyrenees in1659, but originally belonged to Flanders. Until today, the regional language remains Vlaems, a Dutch dialect closely related to the dialects spoken in the South of the province of West-Vlaanderen. The city names, like Roubaix, Lille and Dunkerque--Robeke, Rijssel en Duinkerken in Dutch--still prove that this region used to be Flemish.

Since the annexation by France, an active policy of frenchification has been followed. In 1853, French became the language of education. In the last years, there has been a remarkable change though. There is new interest in Vlaems, and lots of language courses in Dutch are organized. The closer economical collaboration over the borders is responible for this, and as a consequence, it's already possible to use Dutch in some hospitals in French Flanders.

The Komitee voor Frans-Vlaanderen (Committee for French Flanders) has played a important role in this. It took initiatives like the reuse of the Flemish names of farms and villages. Since 1984, there is also a local branch of the well known Davidsfonds active in the region.

On short terms, French Flanders won't become part of Flanders again. In any case, it won't become part of the Belgian Kingdom. But on the long term, it would be wrong to consider the region to be lost for Flanders.
Flows of Money out of Flanders

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There have always been flows of money going from the North to the South in Belgium, but these last years there has been quite a fuss about it. Different studies have tried to find out how big these flows would be and the reasons for them. The following figures probably match the truth very close, but they remain estimates. The Ministery of Finance could of course provide the exact figures, but refuses to do so... which raises the suspicion of how big these flows might be. Claude Eerdekens (PS) keeps on denying these figures, and Bea Cantillon even said in spring 1996 that they should be kept from the public, because a Flemish reaction is to be feared...
In July 1996, Yvan Ylieff simply asked more money for Wallonia. This extra money would come on top of the current transfers, while the Walloon province of Hainaut already receices funding from the European Union. Of course, this extra money was denied unanymously, both in the federal government as in Flanders.
Figures

The Gross Geographical Product (GGP) of Flanders is relatively higher than that of Wallonia, as expected by the population figures. And the gap between Flanders and Wallonia is still increasing. In 1993, Flanders realizes a GGP of 107 billion euro, that is 60% of the Belgian Gross National Product (GNP), while Wallonia only realized a GGP of 44,6 billion euro, or 26% of the Belgian GNP. In 1980, the share of both regions was 57% and 27.5% respectively.

The VVA (Verbond van Vlaamse Academici, League of Flemish Academics) put forward the figures presented in Table 2 at their general assemblee on the 14th of March 1992 in Alden Biesen, as the volume of the annual flows of money out of Flanders in Belgium. These figures have been actualized using a specific study about the social security, like mentioned in [1].


Flanders having 6 million inhabitants and Wallonia 4 million, this means that every Fleming (from new-borns to old men) every year pays 1220 euro, whereas every Walloon receives 1820 euro.

Figure 3 - Graphical representation of the figures from

According to Paul van Rompaey of the KULeuven, 22,2 billion euro flowed from Flanders to Wallonia between 1980 and 1990, counting only in the Social Security. The estimate is a minimal one, since the burdon of interests, caused by the 74 billion euro the federal government had to borrow to keep the Social Security in balance, wasn't considered, nor was the positive the Flanders would have gotten from investing the 22,2 billion euro.

Flows Going the Other Direction?

Flows going the other direction, that is from Wallonia to Flanders, seem to be a myth. Professor dr. Juul Hannes , teaching at the universities of Brussel and Gent, did some research about possible such flows between 1832 and 1912. The study showed that th epopulation of the four Flemish provinces accounted for 44% of the total Belgian population during that period, paying also 44% of the taxes. The four Walloon provinces accounted for 38% of the population, but paid only 30% of the taxes. If any flow occured, it would have been one going from the province of Brabant to Wallonia. Furthermore, the industrial Wallonia paid less trade taxes than the agrarian Flanders, although Flanders received only 35 to 37% of the government's investments. The argument of earlier flows going the other direction to smooth over the current flow from Flanders to Wallonia seems to be unfounded. A reversal of the direction in the future seems to be very unlikely as well.

Cut-Backs or Taxes

Besides the fact that there are some ideological differences between Flanders and Wallonia as to whether there should be more taxes or cut-backs, there's also the effect that cut-backs hurt Wallonia more than Flanders, and extra taxes Flanders. The reason is that Flanders is doing better economically, while Wallonia has more people living on state support. Besides that, there are much more officials in Wallonia than in Flanders than could be expected from the population figures. This means that if more taxes are raised on the federal level, the flows of money going from the North to South actually further increase.

Federal Pensions

April 1996 showed another mechanism that moves Flemish money to Wallonia. The Walloon universities decided that professors should retire at the age of 60, but that they could be hired again as guest-lecturers. The pensions plus the extra compensations made up for their original salary, but the difference is that the pensions are paid by the federal government, while the salary of a professor is paid by the French Community. Or in other words, the French Community decided that Flanders should pay a part of the salaries of the Walloon professors too. The French Community tried this same mechanism again to save money in the secondary schools, and it was then that this mechanism came to light. By the way, this way of doing strictly forbidden in the Flemish Community.

[1] J. Van Overtveldt. Cijfers zonder Maskers (Figures without Masks). Study by P. Van Rompuy en V. Bilsen. Trends, 17th of June, 1993.
[2] G. Tegenbos. Openbare sektor is veel te groot in Wallonië zeggen werkgevers (Public Sector too Large in Wallonia according to Employers). Report from the Union Wallonne des Entreprises. De Standaard, 4th of February, 1992.
[3] J. Veestraete. Vlaanderen zet toekomst kinderen op het spel (Flanders puts its children future at risk). Prof. Eric Ponette about flows of money in the Social Security. Gazet van Antwerpen, 27th of July, 1993.
Linguistic Ratios

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Federal Government

The law states that there should be parity in the federal government concerning the linguistic ratios. The prime minister can be counted out or in to attain the equilibrium.

Regardless of the fact that this in fact disadvantages Flanders, there is still more. Nowhere is stated that federal ministers should be bilingual, and in practice, most of the French-speaking ministers do not speak Dutch. This became hallucinant when Elio di Rupo became minister of Communication in the government Dehaene I, while he failed to address the majority of the Belgian population in its own language.
Army

In the army, and especially on the higher levels where decisions are taken, there is not even just parity, but a majority of French-speaking. As a consequence, at the top level, the Belgian army is almost completely monolingual French-spoken, and this results in more investments in Walloon or French firms.

At the beginning of 1995, the situation at the para-troopers was as follows. Of the 14 colonels, 13 were French-speaking and only one Dutch-speaking, the last one residing in the Western-Sahara. Four of the 13 French-speaking had no proper knowledge of Dutch. Of these 14 colonels, four are general of a brigade, namely three French-speaking and one Dutch-speaking. Of the 31 lieutenant-colonels, 19 are French-speaking against 12 Dutch-speaking. 13 of the French-speaking and 7 of the Dutch-speaking have no proper knowledge of the other language of the country. Of these 31 lieutenant-colonels, seven hold a staff-certificate, necessary for further promotion. Five of them are French-speaking, only two Dutch-speaking.

There are 32 majors, 20 French-speaking and 12 Dutch-speaking. One French-speaking and one Dutch-speaking hold a staff-certificate. At the para-trooper brigade, there are five French-speaking and three Dutch-speaking lieutenant-colonels, and all holding a staff-certificate are French-speaking. Furthermore, there are eight French-speaking and five Dutch-speaking majors.

The chances of receiving promotion differ depending on the linguistic roll, but again the disadvantage is for the Dutch-speaking. The promotions between 1985 and 1994 were as follows. 18 promotions were made from lieutenant-colonel to colonel. Of the 35 Dutch-speaking candidates, only two received the promotion (6%), whereas of the 64 French-speaking candidates 16 did receive the promotion (25%). For the promotions from lieutenant-colonel to major, 37.5% of the French-speaking candidates and 27% of the Dutch-speaking candidates received the promotion.
These figures are striking, but no exception in the Belgian army. They give rise to the suspicion that there is a witting frenchification of the army going on.
Corps diplomatique

Since one has to go through an exam of both French and Dutch, a lot less French-speaking make it. However, this didn't cause any problems: the exams for the French-speaking candidates was simply made easier, and if even this didn't help, some French-speaking ambassadors were appointed at a very quick pace, to make sure that parity wasn't lost.
Public Services

The language law on government matters dating from 1963 states that every public service should maintain linguistic cadres. If they are introduced, they usually turn out to be disadvantegous for the Flemings, that is, they seldom reflect the real linguistic ratios of the population. As an example, in 1992, the NMBS/SNCB put its cadre on 52% Dutch-speaking and 48% French-speaking. This way, Flanders misses thousands of jobs. But, not every service has such cadres, like for example the Gemeentekrediet/Crédit Communal.
Authorities

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Fiscal Autonomy

Flanders has only 12% of autonomous resources coming from own taxes. In other federal countries, this share is remarkable bigger, like for example in the United States of Amercia, where the states have 77% from their resources coming from their own taxes, in Canada, where it amounts to 56% or in Switzerland where the cantons have about 79% of autonomous resources. On the other side, Flanders does have large expenses, so there is an illusion that Flanders has a relative large autonomy.

A first consequence of this desequilibrium is that Flanders cannot benefit from good governing through a higher revenue from taxes. Indeed, if the economical situation ameliorates, it will mostly be the federal government that will see a higher income from taxes. On the other hand, Flanders is limited in its decisions, since it cannot choose for tax-cuts if it would want to. In other words, Flanders can only subsidize, that is, expend more, and not economize. The global consequence is that a lack of fiscal autonomy implies a lack of political autonomy.

Besides more political autonomy, there would be another benefit from more fiscal autonomy. Already mentioned was a cut in government expenses, but it can be expected that wastefulness would decrease. The governments themselves will be forced to make sure that budget is in equilibrium.

Taxes on Corporations

In April 1996, the Flemish region wanted rather that the taxes on corporationsgo down in stead of the government subsidizing them more. But these taxes are a federal matter, and the regional minister of Economy, Eric van Rompuy , was obliged to ask for the reduction of the taxes on corporations.

Now, one has to know that Flanders pays about 49% of these taxes and Brussel about 33% whereas Wallonia only pays 18%. Again, there is a flow of money, this time going from Brussel to Wallonia. Of course, a reduction of the taxes in Flanders would have its influence on the income of the governments of the other regions in Belgium, and this effect taken in account, the Flemish Region was willing to pay the 37,2 million euro to the federal government, exactly matching the expected losses. It could be expected that the federal government wouldn't hesitate to take this guaranteed amount of money.

But still, Wallonia had to give its fiat to it. These taxes are a federal matter, so Wallonia has to say yes to it, or in other words, if the Walloon PS decides to, it can block this tax reduction. This is exactly what happened, as Robert Collignon , Minister-president of the Walloon Region, and Jean-Claude Van Cauwenberghe , Walloon Minister of Employment, said no to the proposal. The reduction never came hrough.

Recuperation of Authorities on the Federal Level

In a federal country, it is quite normal that from time to time conflicts between the several governments arise. On the one hand, the centrifugal forces, which made from the unitarian Belgium of 1830 the federal Belgium of today, are still active. But since the last state reform, forces which tend to bring back the federalized authorities to the federal level, emerged.

As an example, in June 1996, the federal Minister Philippe Maystadt tried to raise a land-tax. This tax, to be imposed on the net revenues of the hire, would collide with the taxes on real estate, a regional matter. The regional Minister, Wivina Demeester said that such land-tax would make the Flemish tax not only ridicule, but in effect cross the plans for a Flemish social housing policy. The Flemish Region tries to discourage real estate standing empty or being neglected by a special social tax.
Another conflict arose as the federal government tried to resolve the needs of helpless elder people using service cheques. But assistance to persons being a community matter, such cheques could not be payed by the federal government. So the service cheques were converted into money, so becoming part of the federal matters.

Finally, some conflicts are very subtle. Full federal powers for example, should be checked by the parliaments of the regions and the communities. As a result, those powers designed to circumvent the federal parliament, should be controled by six parliaments in turn!
French Colony

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Economically speaking, Flanders is becoming more and more a French colony, with the active collaboration of the Belgian haute finance. France is dominant in the sectors of real estate, the military industry, the media, telecommunications, water purification, distribution, etc... Especially in the so-called `protected sectors', where the government acts as a client, a supplier or is supplying the monopoly, French companies are doing well.
An example is Electrabel, which takes care of the distribution of electricity in Belgium, and is a daughter of Tractebel, on its turn a daughter of the Société Générale, part of the French group Suez. Tractebel is also present in the cable distribution sector, through cooperation with the local `intercommunales'.

BATC, the company managing the airport of Zaventem near Brussel, is also controlled by the Société Générale, together with the group Bruxelles Lambert and the real estate sector, all under the influence of French groups.

There are two possible reasons why France if colonizing Flanders. The first rerason is that the high society of Belgium, which is mainly French-speaking, and the high society of France are culturally linked up together. Another reason, not solely proclaimed by paranoiacs, may be that this is a political-strategical move by France, in order to cope with the new elan Germany found since the Wall came down. This means that France's attituide towards its Northern neighbour hasn't changed much since the Congress of Vienna in 1815.
Amnesty

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Belgium is probably the only country in the world where no amnesty was declared for the Second World War. The main reason for this is that Walloon politicians see it as a means to show their power over the Flemish.

The repression following the liberation of Belgium not only turned against those collaborating with the German oppressor, but also against innocent pro-Flemish, like for example Irma Laplasse and Leo Vindevoghel . At their bogus trials, false declarations were often accepted as key evidence to sentence them to capital punishment.
Royal House

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Because of the nature of it, the Belgian Royal House is a pre-eminently federal institution. In principle, it has to take a neutral position between the several Regions and Communities of the Belgian Kingdom, but the entourage of the House comes mainly from Brussels' Franch-speaking society. This is probably the reason behind most of the incidents involving the Royal House.

There is the notorious meeting between King Boudewijn I and José Happart (refer to Voeren ) at a car-park of a highway in 1979. Another incident is the rebuke Luc van den Brande received after expressing his preference for a confederal model for Belgium.

These two litle incidents raise at the Flemish public opinion at least the suspicion that the French-speaking part of Belgium has more credits in the eyes of the Royal House than Flanders. Just as an example, it was no problem at all for Lucien Outers , who, when asked by Manu Ruys whether he considered himself as a Walloon, a French-speaking Belgia or a Representative for Brussels, answered "I feel French", to become a Belgian minister between 1977 and 1980.

Another problem is that all the princes use French as their mother tongue, and that their knowledge of Dutch in general is rather poor.

Nevertheless, under King Albert II there seems to be an amelioration in this case. As a prince, he had a lot of contacts with Flemish entrepreneurs in the commercial missions he led. On the other hand, Queen Paola refused for a long time to learn Dutch, which she qualified as a language for peasants, though the majority of her "subjects" has it as its mother tongue.

King Albert II made a mistake though when he invited Luk Rijckaert for a meeting on the 16th of July, 1996. Luk Rijckaert is the coordinator of the "Front for Unionistic Federalism" and the president of the "Belgian Progressive Socialists". On the same day, the leadership of the Flemish Socialist Party endorsed a statement from Norbert De Batselier , in which the latter made a plea for a more thorough reform of the state and for confederalism.

It doesn't look like things will get better in the next generation. It is well known that Crown Prince Filip doesn't speak Dutch on a very high level, and even though the Royal House tried to convince Flanders that Crown Princess Mathilde did speak Dutch too even though she's from the French-speaking part of Belgium, her knowledge of Dutch is extremely bad, and probably will stay so.
Belgian Presidential Elections Impossible

Finally, note that the Belgian Royal House keeps Belgium together not only by its symbolic value, but also by the consequent absence of presidential elections. The most probable scenario for such elections seems to be one in which a Fleming from the CD&V has to compete with a Walloon socialist, if the Walloon socialist even makes it to the second round. It is improbable that Belgium would survive such an election round.
Flemish Republic

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"With Belgium if possible, without Belgium if necessary." This slogan, originally from Frans van Cauwelaert , is often used by the pro-Flemish, and a lot of them argue that the last 170 years have proven that it still isn't possible with Belgium. Therefore, their conclusion is that only a Flemish Republic can solve the Flemish questions.

Support for Separatism

At party political level, only the Vlaams Blok advocates the separation of Flanders from Belgium. At the last elections, this party gained about 16% of the votes in Flanders. Karel Dillen , founder of the Vlaams Blok, made sure that during his presidency, Flemish independence stayed one of the major issues in the party. The Volksunie still believes in a confederal system, in Belgium, though some members do ventilate opinions close to separatism. The other parties favour the status quo, but within each party you can find both members advocating more autonomy for Flanders as well as members longing for the old Belgique à papa. New are the tendencies in social-economical circles in favour of separatism. These tendencies are caused by a perceived immobilism at the Walloon socialists towards cuts in the social security. In the longer run, it could be that this mechanism turns out to be the most important factor in breaking up Belgium.

For the non-party political organizations, a vast majority of the pro-Flemish organizations seems to have taken the step towards separatism. This includes the Davidsfonds, the Taal Actie Comité (TAK, Language Action Committee), and in fact almost all the organizations joined in the Overlegcentrum van Vlaamse Verenigingen (OVV, Deliberation Centre of Flemish Organizations). The Vlaamse Volksbeweging (VVB, Flemish People's Movement) is playing the role of the pioneer here. There's only one exception, and this is the IJzerbedevaartcomité (Committee of the Pilgrimage to the Yser), favouring the confederal system, but this organization very recently came under attack by a dissident group in its ranks, radically in favour of separatism and pleaing for joining the other pro-Flemish organizations in the OVV.
Poll of August 1996

A poll (cfr Table 5 ), held in August 1996 by Field Research and asked for by the Walloon newspaper La Nouvelle Gazette, showed that 34.5% of the Flemish favoured separatism. In Wallonia, only 22.4% wanted separatism, whereas in Brussel 24.5% were in favour of it. A majority of 59.6% of the Flemish supported federalism, the current political system in Belgium, and in the whole of Belgium, this figure lays at 56.2% Only 5.9% of the Flemish want to go back to old unitarism, but in Belgium, this is 14.4% because more than 20% of the Walloons and almost 30% in Brussel favours this system. Figure 5 and Figure 6 give an overview of the situation.

Figure 5 - Support for separatism, divided per state form
Figure 6 - Support for separatism, devided per Region
At a first glance, the support for separatism seems to be rather small, but at the time of this poll, the end of August 1996, there were no particular communautarian problems in Belgium. If a serious conflict would erupt, a majority in favour of separatism in Flanders may be found very quickly. Also, it is striking that people in Brussel seem to be favouring unitarism so much. Unfortunately, there was no question about confederalism included in the poll.

*Recent (2008) its indicated a small majority in favor for Flemish separatism.

Reunification with the Netherlands

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Flanders and the Netherlands have been divided twice in history: for the first time in the sixteenth century during the blockade of the Scheldt, and for the second time at the Belgian revolution of 1830. Since then, some movements favouring a reunification have been active in Flanders, and the Verdinaso (VERbond der DIetse NAtionaal-SOlidaristen, Union of the Dutch National-Solidarists) was an important exponent of it. The Orange-jeugd (Youth of Orange) has been active until this day, but hasn't much support any more.

Some things clearly bind Flanders and the Netherlands together, like for example the common language and history, besides of course their geographical location next to each other. But other factors make a clear distinction between them, like for example the more Calvinist orientation of the Netherlands, opposing the more Catholic Flanders.

It is, however, very important that Flanders and the Netherlands do cooperate with each other. Cooperation on the lingual situation in the European Union is absolutely necessary. The Taalunie (Lingual Union) is a step in the right direction. Economical cooperation is another logical step, considering the interests of both.

But a real unification would have its disadvantages too. First of all, the question remains wether the Netherlands and Flanders should become a union state or state union. Note that neither of them is possible as long as Belgium remains in existence. But even if the Belgian state would come to an end, it is not clear whether Flanders would be prepared to give up its independence so easily to become part of a Great-Netherlandic (con)federation. Another objection would be the loss of weight in the European Union. As two separate, but cooperating states, Flanders and the Netherlands would have two votes in stead of only one vote in the European Council of Ministers.
What after Belgium?

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How will the map of Western Europe look like when Belgium has disappeared? Maybe one of the maps below gives the answer. Most probably Figure 9 and Figure 14 show the most likely scenarios, but it is always interesting to go through the other possibilities and set them on the map.

It is often a good idea to split a problem into smaller problems in order to be able to handle it easier. The possible scenarios of what will happen when Belgium disappears can be categorized into five dimensions with each of them a number of possibilities, some of them more likely than the others. Here follows a systematic list:
  • Flanders
    • Independence
    • Part of the Netherlands
  • Brussels
    • Part of Flanders
    • Part of Wallonia
    • Independent city-state (European district)
    • Shared by Flanders and Wallonia
  • Wallonia
    • Independence
    • Part of France
  • German Community
    • Part of Wallonia
    • Part of Germany
    • Part of the Grand-Duchy of Luxemburg
    • Independence
  • Province of Luxemburg
    • Part of Wallonia
    • Part of the Grand-Duchy of Luxemburg
Notice that for simplicity, minor border corrections aren't considered in this list. Examples of such minor border corrections are a new switch for Voeren or Komen, or corrections to the borders of Brussels.