On National Syndicalism

[Silas]

The national-sindicalism in Portugal.

By a falangist author

The Lusitanian National-Syndicalism

by José Luis Jerez Riesco

The Portuguese National-Sindicalist Movement was a fleeting, blinding and quick star, with a vertiginous ascent, but eclipsed with great velocity. Its ideological antecedents are in the Lusitanian Integralism that began in the exile, with the magazine Alma Portuguesa (Portuguese Soul), published in Lovaina in 1913, the which was a answer and a spiritual and doctrinal reaction against the demagogic Republic that had settled in Portugal in 1910. The active core of the Integralism was formed by a realistic, restless, audacious, original youth and at the same time a youth rooted in the old lusitanian traditions. In contour of that incipient publication, spark of an entire ideological position, it joined to Domingos de Gusmao Araújo - the director -, Luis of Almeida Braga, the son of the duke of Cadaval, Antonio Alvarez Pereira, and the very young Francisco Rolão Preto who exercised the functions of writer secretary and he would, lapsed the years, the founder and the director of the National-Sindicalist Movement in Portugal.
The Lusitanian Integralism, predecessor of the National-Syndicalism, it would enrich with the immediate incorporation of the Integral Nationalism of Antonio Sardinha, an ideologist, philosopher, thinker and the creator of a ambitious project that it would culminate with the work of the Alianza Peninsular (Peninsular Alliance). Sardinha would be the promoter of the Nação Portuguesa (Portuguese Nation) magazine, in whose first number was already inserted the manifesto and the Integralism's program that it was declared antiparliamentary - anti-liberal - pro-decentralization, municipalist and corporative. In the magazine collaborated people like Alberto Monsaraz - who would be later the general secretary of the National-Syndicalism, Hipólito Raposo, Pequito Rebélo and other outstanding personalities that some authors have denominated the rectificator generation.
In 1917 it appeared the first edition of the one that was the first newspaper of the Integralism, titled A Monarquia (The Monarchy), that it was published under the political direction of Antonio Sardinha and Alberto Monsaraz and that Rolão Preto would direct it later when in 1920, Hipólito Raposo, the director of the newspaper was imprisoned by crime of opinion, he was called to assumes the direction of the newspaper. Mainly, and above all, the Integralism made a call of recovery of the Intelligentsa.
The pillars on those youths were settled they were of an important religious and spiritual component, coinciding in that 'the hand of God is there in the serene eternity, marking the road for where they will have to pass the fate of the peoples.' They were convinced humanists and radicals that synthesized in the sentence coined by Preto of «tudo pelo homen» (everything for the man) as the only acceptable formula, because all the institutions are created by the man and the man is not able to, without denying the divine laws, to be its slave, having that sense the Christian concept of the human life that considers to «Christ as the supreme height to the man one day he/she rose.»
Francisco Barcelos Rolão Preto had been born in February 12 1893 in the small town of Gaviào in Alentejo. His great-grandfather, the medical Antonio das Neves Cameiro, he had been a deputy in the Constituents of 1836 and he was pursued because he was a Jacobin and mason. His grandfather, Antonio María, was an academic from Coimbra and he died in the fork because he defend the freedom and the justice. Almost in his adolescence, when he had begun his Law degree in Coimbra, he enrolled in the troops of Henrique Paiva Couceiro in Galiza, in 1912, for what he had to eat, from his youth, the bitter bread of the exile. He fixed his residence in Belgium, being licensed in 1917 with a Social Sciences degree in the University of Lovaina. It was in that city where it appeared in 1913 the first magazine of the Lusitanian Integralism Alma Portuguesa (Portuguese Soul), where he collaborated as writing secretary. Later, he would also graduate of lawyer in the University of Toulouse. He frequented in Paris to Charles Maurras, to who he visited in his office of the Rome's street of Paris, where he had the opportunity to know to Léon Daudet.
He was part of the Central Meeting of the Lusitanian Integralism, cohabiting with Sardinha, Rebelo, Raposo, Monsaraz... He collaborated closely with the general Gomes da Costa in the rising of May 28 1926, and he was the author of his manifesto of twelve lines that was placed on the walls of Braga and that it invited to the Portuguese to the fight «for the freedom and the honor of the Nation», Rolão Preto was also author of the proclamation in the one that the bases of the movement were formulated and that it began with the following: «Portuguese!, the nation wants a national government formed by the best capacities to establish in the administration of the State the discipline and the honor that have gotten lost. The nation has already had enough with the tyranny of irresponsible politicians. And she wants a strong government that has for mission to save to the Homeland and to institute the true national representation of the real, vital and permanent interests of Portugal»
Rolão Preto is considered as one of the ideologists of the pronouncement of May 28, and, after the nationalist victory, he was the effective director of the general Gomes Da Costa's Journal "Revolução Nacional" (National Revolution), the apparent director was the lieutenant Armando Pinto Correia - who wrote the editorials and who signed his articles with the pen names of «Plures» and «Pluribus». He supposed that the Nationalist Revolution, begun by Gomes da Costa, continued by Carmona and monopolized later by Salazar, it could be bicephalous, that is to say, calm and frantic, conservative and revolutionary, serene and convulse, salazarist and national-syndicalist ‘.
In February 15 1932, a new daily "Revolução" (Revolution) appeared, directed by Preto,and it started the National-Syndicalist Movement that, according to its own mentor: "it arose from the longings and restlessness of the new generations and in front of the sleepless liberal democracy, the democracy that led to Portugal to the socialism and the communism that are the quintessence of the morals and of the economic approach of the capitalism transformed into State". It meant that, in Portugal, the reaction against the democratic-liberal errors in its political aspect it was called Lusitanian Integralism, and the reaction against those same errors in its economic and social aspect were those that gave origin to the National-Syndicalist Movement. The symbiosis of the national and syndicalist terms are made to be an internal movement, Portuguese, autochthonous, that it looks for the human person's redemption through an union mark and the socio-economic unit that «freely organized and exactly representative of the values of the technical formation, the labor and the capital reinforces the own possibilities - personalists - and communitarian.
The National-Syndicalism was a call in favor of the solidarity among the diverse elements of the production, and of the *.. transformation of the social morals, with a call to the revolutionary mystic. It was sought to erect «a great spiritual movement, because it is an error, and tragic error, of those that judge to be able to change the conditions of the world that it surrounds us, without first to create a new spirit. The revolutions are not only made with ordinances and official bulletins» " The motto of the movement said: «It is necessary that the very rich people wil be less rich, so that the very poor people wil be less poor».
The National-Syndicalism tries to endow the municipality with a new social and economic sense, picking up this way the municipalist character from the Integralism. It is descentralizador, but organic and syndicalist. It recognizes the attraction of those «elites», but it feels populist considering that «the revolution is only effective when it supports it the people» that «only march for the imperial roads when the climate of their exaltation is able to carry out miracles with a faith without limits to have a great trust in itself and a heroic disposition before any sacrifice»
One of the mottos was: «Neither against the left, neither against the right. Ahead! » The left-right fictitious bipolarity had already been rejected by Preto, who considered to the left and the right: «old unconscious words, deposed myths» sustaining that to the nationalism will have a great mission in the wave of the future.
He justified the rising of the National-Syndicalism as a reaction to the Liberalism because the later, coldly «it consents that the strongest enslave freely to the weakest and that he/she has to the lucre as the only rule of life», specifying that «all the conscious workers should understand that it is not worthwhile to substitute the tyranny of the Capitalism made State, for the tyranny of the State made Capitalist » ". The National-Syndicalism was a revolutionary movement that made of the word «revolution» synonym of «justice» and that it was deeply sensitive for the urgent agrarian reformation and for the principles of corporative order.
According to a pamphlet that, under the name of "0 Ressurgimento" (the Resurgence), diffused in Funchal, distributed and published by the National-Syndicalism Movement in May 28 of 1933, the basis of the Movement were: a) the family; B) the tradition; c) the municipality; d) the union; e) the corporation and f) the nation. It coincided with the definition of the Movement that it had appeared in the newspaper "0 Nacional Sindicalista" (The National-Syndicalist) from Faro where National-Syndicalism was defined as «Family-friendly, Municipalist, Regionalist, Syndicalist, Corporatist, Representative, Authoritarian, Nationalist and Revolutionary.»
In December 1932 the lieutenant of Engineers and collaborator of Rolão Preto, A. Neves da Costa published a book that, under the epigraph National-Syndicalism, it had the title "Para além da ditadura" (beyond the dictatorship), where it was made a reflection, a ensay, a development and a program on what was the National-Syndicalism, synthesized in a series of statements: «We affirm that the invigoration of the family will stop the moral decadence, conserving the homes. We affirm that the reestablishment for all of the representation of the general interests will stop the political decadence. We affirm that the liberalism, also well-known as capitalism, it is contrary to the nature and it is noxious as much to the production as to the worker. We affirm that the capitalism, the basis of the whole modern social system, is a system of clumsy speculation that has only for objective to increase the yield of the capital in detriment of the cost price, of the labor force and of the quality and quantity of the finished product»
In Spain, the Portuguese National-Syndicalist thought was spread by the magazine Acción Española (Spanish Action) that Ramiro of Maeztu directed in whose 45 issue the twelve Principles of the Production were inserted, the which were the basic norm of the movement. The birth and rising of the National-Syndicalism in Portugal was meteoric. Initiate its march with the newspaper Revolusao (Revolution), in February of 1932, soon begins the period of affiliation and militancy, the figure of followers and sympathetic it reaches several thousands and the public acts and rallys begin, both in the peninsular territory and in the islands. Before concluding 1932 they already had other important newspaper, the weekly 0 Nacional Sindicalista (The National-Syndicalist) from Algarbe, whose headquarters was in Faro and it began to be printed the December 18 under the direction of Rodrigo de Sousa Pinto. Soon, in Lisbon, a new weekly publication appeared, the Revolução dos trabalhadores (the revolution of the workers), directed by Antonio Tinoco, that it was included on Saturdays in the newspaper Revolusao (Revolution) since 1932, when the movement already had several newspapers and it reached the approximate figure of 50.000 members.
The public acts were resonant. We could highlight the banquets that took place in Lisbon. The first one in Parque de Eduardo VII, February 18 of 1933, that it gathered to more than 750 diners, many of which already dressed the blue shirt adopted by the Portuguese National-Syndicalism and that they greeted with Roman salute when the members of the presidency of the act made their entrance, and especially Rolão Preto that would pronounce a vibrant speech in which he said that «we represent the permanent revolution, the revolution that doesn't stop that must totally transform this glorious Homeland».
The second great meeting of the Movement was the great banquet that took place in Palacio de Cristal de Oporto in May 7, after a parade that it was attended by more than 6,200 followers. In May 28, with occasion of the seventh anniversary of the military coup d'etat, the national-syndicalists commemorated it with a parade of more than three thousand followers by the streets of Braga. The day closed with some problems when in the return of the participants of the parade for the town of Ermezinde, they were attacked - it was said that by saboteurs from the Government - and, when they defended themselves from the aggression, a shooting took place of which it was wanted to accuse to Rolão Preto, who didn't participate in any of the incidents, because after the acts of May 28 in Braga he moved to Vila do Conde with the general secretary Alberto Monsaraz, arriving the following day to Viana do Castelo, where he had knowledge about what happened, that it motivated him to travel immediately to Oporto to visit the wounded. The calumnious campaign against the national-syndicalists had begun.
In July 5 Rolão Preto was received in the Palacio de Belem by the president of the Republic, the general Carmona that gave him guarantees that inside the spirit of May 28 all the nationalists fit. The day 16 of that same month the leader of the National-Syndicalism pronounced his last public speech as maximum leader of the movement, and he made it in the theater San Carlos where he attended the conference of the captain Correia Campos, but, when the assistants detecting his presence they shouted him and he was forced to pronounce an address in the one that, he said that «they should abandon the old financial theories, the absurd economic concepts, on behalf of which the man is slave of the plutocracy, of the usury and of the State». He affirmed that the modern economy should be based on the justice and that «we want the individual framed in the family, in the union and integrated in the nation, because each one of those marks is a circle of freedom that it protects the man against the arbitrary will of the tyrants»
The Portuguese government saw with mistrust those samples of enthusiasm, that wave of blue shirts whose power it seemed to grow with the winds to its favor. The government began to be hostile to the movement, if not in a front way, but with subterfuges. The newspaper Revolução published its last edition in September 23 of 1933 after 418 issues. Before, in June of that same year the weekly publication had stopped to exist the weekly 0 Nacional Sindicalista (The National-Syndicalist), month in which it was also canceled the weekly Revolução dos trabalhadores (the workers' revolution).
Starting from July of 1933 it was forbidden the whole propaganda and all the acts of the party, what motivated that in November it was summoned a congress of the party from the which three positions or divergent tendencies from the Movement came out: 1) the revolutionary national-syndicalists, with Rolão Preto and Alberto Monsaraz that they opposed directly to Salazar. 2) the philosalazarists whose more outstanding members were Dutra Faria, Ramiro Valadão, Cabral, and Pires de Lima that obeyed to the government of Salazar. 3) the abandonment of movement by some of followers, like it was the case for the doctor L. Cabral de Moncada.
With indirect grants and economic means the national-syndicalists dissidents, those that followed the line of the political observance to the government of Salazar, they created in March of 1934 a newspaper with the name A Revolução Nacional (The National Revolution) that the journalist Manuel Múrias would direct and that it would be published until August of that same year. In June, Rolão Preto sent to the President of Portugal a representation that exposed the situation of the country and the national-syndicalists recoveries. Among them, their right, according to the Constitution, to their freedom of association without limitations. Rolão Preto was made prisoner and expelled in July 14, through the Spanish-Portuguese border of Alcántara. Later, in July 29, it appeared a note subscribed by Oliveira Salazar (the President of Portugal) and directed «to those national-syndicalists» inviting them to incorporate to the Partido Unión Nacional (National Unity Party), because the government could consider to the National-syndicalist movement as agitator and subversive to the New State if they doesn't do it. Rolão Preto remained in the exile in Spain until February of the following year when he returned to Portugal, restarting his political activity with a speech to the nationalist intellectuals that offered to him a homage, with a public intervention in Oporto in April and with continuous displacements for the whole country to try to recompose the Movement, until, finally, in September 10 of 1935, irrevocably he is expelled from the country because it was thought that he was implied in the coup d' etat of the monarchic commandant Méndez Norton. The government's note, once neutralized the rebellion, mentioned to the national-syndicalists as the main instigators of the revolt, a accusation that Preto rejected it who said later that «the National-Syndicalist movement doesn't have among its methods the intention of armed revolution in the streets, because always it proclaimed, on the contrary, its desire of conquest of the people by the persuasion, the mystic's heat, the love»
The Portuguese National-Syndicalist Movement felt itself as a predecessor of the brother movement: Falange Española, for its precedence in the time, for the exhibition of the doctrine and for the adoption of its main distinguishing characteristics of identification. In February of 1932 the blue shirts arose in Portugal and until the autumn of 1933 it didn't take place the founder speech of the Falange Española in the Comedia de Madrid theater, they adopted the blue shirt as uniform one year before the Falange. Rolão Preto considered to Falange a similar movement to his group, even, in November of 1934, when the 27 points of the programmatic norm of the Spanish Falange were editing, Roláo Preto intervened in the writing of the points giving his opinion in the social aspects and he exposed his ideas to José Antonio Primo de Rivera in his office, where he visited him when Primo de Rivera finished the definitive text of the draft of the fundamental rules of the Falange during the Spanish Civil war. Rolão Preto visited the combat fronts and he said that if «the Falange is able to destroy all the obstacles from all the reactionary sectors, it was able to carry out the great work of the National-Syndicalist Revolution reconciling the freedom with the authority, with the conquest of the bread and the justice. We trust in the value of our comrades and we see in the Falange a great hope of revolutionary realizations. For Portugal, with a different human face - he referred to Salazar - and with the traditional alliance, would carry out in its territory the work of distribution of bread and justice that the Falange, our spiritual daughter, it already undertook in the other side of the border»
He wrote a book titled Revolução Espanhola (men, facts, ideas) that he dedicates to the armed forces and «to my pilgrimage partners for lands in the other side of the frontier, Spaniards and Portuguese. To ours comrades that, in Spain, they fight for their dream...» During his visit to the fronts in 1937, he pronounces an speech in March 29 in Radio Seville. His speech began with these words: «Spain of the Cid, and more than of the Cid, Spain of the heroes from Alcázar de Toledo. Glory to your eternal name of great, free and one nation»
With regard to José Antonio who dedicated him a picture in November 26 of 1934, with who he converse a lot and worked enough, Preto said that José Antonio made his political battle as an apostolate and that «he loved the ideas in the true sense of the word love, this is, surrendering totally. He was a believer, before being a soldier. He was a personality. A nobleman. A Great man from Spain».
Under the epigraph «The Portuguese National-Syndicalist Movement» it were published in the magazine Acción Española, a series of articles that appeared in the issues 39, 45, 46, 47, 49 and 50 between October 16 1933 and April 1 1934. In the introduction of the first article it was said: «Rolão Preto, the magnifies pupil of Antonio Sardinha, the one that was founder of the powerful Portuguese National-Syndicalist Movement with the count of Monsaraz, the director of the fighting organ of his party "Revolução" (Revolution); the author of the excellent book Para além do comunismo, that it comes to honor the pages of Acción Española with a very interesting study that we publish today»
The appearance of the first issue gave origin to a controversy with the weekly Libertad (Freedom) from Valladolid that Onésimo Redondo directed it and that in its Vol. 64 of November 20 of 1933 published an official statement in which it was said: «a separatist collaborates with Acción Española» under the argument that the Portuguese blue shirts wanted to annex Galicia, a derived presumption from the sentence pronounced by Rolão Preto during an intervention in Oporto in the which he call to the Galicians «Portuguese d'alem Minho» (Portuguese from the other side of the Minho River). Onésimo Redondo said: «very good is the Spanish nobility that she forgives easily and she sometimes favors those that slap us... to put to them in her tribune, while in their speeches and newspapers they make fun of the sacred integrity of our Homeland and we find this excessive in a nationalist and Hispanicist journal like Acción Española. Now we have arrived to the height of that unconsciousness, or that is, we are giving the first pages from that magazine to the leader of the Portuguese Nazis that in Oporto, called to the Galicians «Portuguese d'alem Minho». Because all those that we militate in the national youth have appreciation for Acción Española and because in fact from her many of our doctrinal inspirations come, we want that our protest is heard in that magazine»
The answer appeared at once. In the issue 45 of Acción Española and as a note on foot page it was published the following thing: «The combative and dear colleague Libertad from Valladolid published the alarming news that a separatist collaborated in Acción Española, referring to the illustrious leader of the Portuguese Nazis...When the illustrious accused writer knows that, he sends us for the publication the following explanatory lines that we didn't need, but that it will tranquilize, properly, to our colleague from the Libertad magazine: In extract he came to say that Libertad it confused annexation with separatism and that the Portuguese National-Syndicalist Movement was not neither ultranationalist neither annexionist, but a «economic and social movement exclusively», finishing with: «we consider Spain as our next Latin sister, and not only for her geographical position, but for spirit likeness. This vicinity, very real for us, it is accentuated when we contemplate it through the material and spiritual landscape of Galicia. And for it, when we call to the Galicians «Portuguese of the other side of the Miño River» we don't have in the mind another desire that the one of proclaiming a formula of friendship. Libertad had the obligation of knowing that nobody as us, Antonio Sardinha's pupils, we can understand with an eternal Portugal, the eternity of Spain»

The rectification from Libertad was not made wait and with the title «a forced Answer: The Portuguese National-Syndicalism», Onésimo Redondo described the pleasure that had produced him to read the explanatory letter from Rolão Preto, with that he gave up with own satisfaction his insistence in the separatist appellative - logically correlative, but not contradictory of annexionist - and he accepted the rectification from the outstanding Portuguese politician. Also, he made allusion to Sardínha and his book Alianza Peninsular (Peninsular Alliance) and he finished with «if this attempt of polemic, was good somehow to extend among the followers of Rolão Preto a sardinhista trust in the harmonic future of both Homelands, we would consider as good our modest intervention in topics of so much transcendency»
The works that in six issues, as we have already pointed, Acción Española published, it were a comment and a development to the twelve Principles of the Production, a integrative axis of the whole basic theory of the Portuguese National-Syndicalism. The program of those twelve points had already been published in a book that was published in 1920 in Lisbon, with the name A Monarquía e a Restauração da inteligencía and in that book Rolão gave an explanation and an analysis of those points, an upgrade and a justification.
The conclusion of this series of articles was that «we are in a European revolutionary and nationalist time. The revolution, as the bayonets, it won't allow them to destroy it. Salazar has to work revolutionarily to carry out his work. Only in this we can help him. The national-syndicalists are the organized militias of the National Revolution of the workers»
Rolão had known during his reiterated exile in Spain - in 1934, in 1935 and during his visit to the military fronts in 1937 - to the main political leaders as José Antonio Primo de Rivera, the who we have already named, Ramiro de Maeztu, Victor Prairie or José María Gil Robles - for who he didn't have any sympathy - Ernesto Giménez Caballero and others. The history of the Portuguese National-Syndicalism, is not a forgotten page for the Spaniards, it has been, up to now, an unknown page, in spite of the analogies and convergence points with the thought of a identical denomination in Spain.Cruz de Cristo
08-23-03, 07:11

Portugal´s Movimento Nacional-Sindicalista, led by Francisco Rolão Preto and having as its second figure Alberto de Monsaraz, was an outgrowth of Integralismo Lusitano which apllied a more "popular" and "fascist" organizatonal style, aiming its message at segments of the population which the Integralist Monarchist movement traditionally had difficulty in reaching.

Rolão Preto´s movement was also characterized by its antagonism in relation to Salazar and his New State. The movement collapsed when a pro-Salazar faction, led by José Cabral and followed by the influential group of Coimbra University professors, including Dr. Cabral de Moncada, led a motion to oust Rolão Preto and other founders from the movement and pledge allegiance to Salazar. The leaders of the faction, which was a small minority, integrated in the União Nacional, the "official" political association which was by then a branch of the Interior Ministry and under the direct control of Salazar. Cabral was "rewrded" by Salazar and was given a seat in the National Assembly. The pro-Salazar Nacional-Sindicalistas were incorporated into the SPN (Secretariado de Propaganda Nacional), the state Propaganda Secretariat which was led by the famous author António Ferro, a non-Integralist and Republican pro-Fascist (he conducted several interviews with d´Annunzio and Mussolini for the Portuguese press before it became fashionable to do so). Other pro-Salazar Nacional-Sindicalistas were given positions in the official Corporations and National Syndicates which were being formed "from the top down" as Rolão Preto would say, that is, they were formed by Decree and staffed mostly by regime Bureaucrats.

In contrast, Rolão Preto and his close supporters formed a group which actively opposed the regime and were thus imprisioned and exiled. Rolão was exiled in Spain twice, in part due to his support of coup activities led by the Monarchist and African Wars military hero Henrique de Paiva Couceiro, who was himself exiled to Tenerife in 1937. During Rolão´s first exile (1934) he worked closely with José Antonio and the Falange and during his second exile, which occored after the beginning of the Spanish Civil War, he followed the activities of the Falange and the Nationalists in general. He was, however, arrested by the orders given by Salazar´s government to Gen. Franco after he made a speach on Radio Sevilla, which could be heard in Portugal, where, in addition to supporting the Falange and Franco, he attacked Salazar and the Estado Novo. Rolão Preto remained a life-long opponent of Salazar.

In later years, when many of these former Nacional-Sindicalistas were older and more mature, several leading and non-leading figures of Nacional-Sindicalismo went on to gain important positions within the Estado Novo. Amongst these were Dutra Faria who became the director of Portugal´s state television in the 1960s, Barradas de Oliveira, an influential radio-tv editorialist and editor of the União Nacional newspapoer, Diário da Manhã. Portugal´s interior minister in the 1960s, Gonçalves Rapazote, was also a "Blue Shirt" in his youth.

Other former Blue Shirts were in later life not directly involved in politics but remained influential in Portugal´s artistic-intelectual scene. Amongst these we find the novelist Luís Forjaz Trigueiros as well as the surrealist painter António Pedro.

Most of the founders and core members of Integralismo Lusitano, which was founded in 1914, never belonged to the Movimento Nacional-Sindiclaista although they were generally sympathetic to its activities. This contrasts with Maurras and the old Action Française cadre´s violent disagreement with Valois´ "Le Faisceau" movement in France, which broke away from AF in a somewhat violent manner. No such conflict ever existed between Integralismo and NS in Portugal.

It should also be noted that the majority of the founders and leaders of the Integralismo Lusitano acted in opposition to Salazar´s Estado Novo, which they considered a form of modern Statism and inorganic corporativism which preserved many classical Liberal and Republican concepts in the 1933 Consitution. Salazar´s position on the Restauration of the monarchy and authoritarian nature of the State was also a main point of contention for the Integralistas, who, in addition to being monarchists believed in a neo-medieval concept of municipal and guild freedoms.

However, not all of the original and early leaders of Integralismo opposed the Estado Novo, we can cite Pedro Teotónio Pereira as well as, and most importantly, Marcello Caetano, premier of Portugal from 1968 to 1974, as two very important figures in the Estado Novo with Integralist origins.

[Perun]

Ironic, I was reading something about this movement earlier this morning.

[Silas]

Originally Posted by Perun

Ironic, I was reading something about this movement earlier this morning.

Aha, maybe you can share it with the rest of us?

[Faísca]

I have plenty of texts regarding National-Syndicalism, Rolão Preto and other important figures, but they are all in Portuguese... Sorry...

[Silas]

Originally Posted by Johannes de León

I have plenty of texts regarding National-Syndicalism, Rolão Preto and other important figures, but they are all in Portuguese... Sorry...

Okay, maybe you can do some translation?

[Gil]

I would be happy to translate some stuff Johannes just send me by e-mail if you have them in digital format.

By the way, great stuff guys

[Faísca]

Originally Posted by Manji

I would be happy to translate some stuff Johannes just send me by e-mail if you have them in digital format.

By the way, great stuff guys

Manji, there's plenty of information on lusitana.org. I can't send you anything now, most things I have are on the other pc.

Then post them in Portuguese in the Ibero-Romance section, and others will translate it in time..

[Silas]

Hey Manji and Johannes, how´s it going with the translations?

[wilpuri]

Question:

How does National Syndicalism work in practice? Does it work in practice? Has it ever been used in practice, where and with what results? It sounds very interesting, but keeping in mind other corporativist implementations (eg. Italy), I have my doubts.

What's wrong with a traditional economy anyway? Society is becoming largely class-free as it is, as soon as the left stops its silly class agitation.